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Helping Today’s Students Have More Open Minds
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

I’m always right.

Perhaps you too are always right.

intellectual humility

And yet, if we disagree with each other, then one of us must be wrong.

Researchers Tenelle Porter and Karina Schumann wonder: how can we help those who disagree learn from each other?

In a recent study, they explore the topic of intellectual humility.

Intellectual humility starts with a “non-threatening awareness of one’s intellectual fallibility.” Porter and Schumann also focus on a “willingness to appreciate others’ intellectual strengths.”

In brief, I will benefit more from our disagreement if

a) I know I might have something to learn, and

b) I think you might have something to teach me.

How can we help our students think this way?

Familiar Paths, New Destinations

To promote intellectual humility, Porter and Schumann turned to Dweck’s theory of Mindset.

As you know, people with a growth mindset tend to believe they can get smarter if they do the right kind of mental work.

P&S reasoned that such folks might be more open to rethinking their opinions.

To test this idea, they turned to a familiar Mindset research technique.

They gave about 50 students an article “proving” that intelligence can be developed. Another 50 got a similar article “proving” that intelligence doesn’t change.

In other words: they encouraged the first group to adopt a growth mindset perspective. The second group, having seen that intelligence can’t change, would more likely adopt a fixed mindset perspective.

Sure enough, students in the growth mindset reading group more readily admitted mistakes that they made. They more often complimented others for being smart. They more actively sought out critical feedback. And they more quickly rejected the idea that people who disagreed with them must be wrong.

Put simply, a growth mindset promoted intellectual humility.

Important Reminders

First, whenever we return to mindset research, we should remember that fixed and growth mindsets are NOT set parts of our personality. They are responses to particular conditions.

All of us have a fixed mindset responses at some times, and growth mindset responses at others.

In this case, as you recall, the researchers caused students to adopt one perspective or the other simply by reading a brief article.

We can easily fall into the trap of dividing people into two enduring mindset groups. However, we all belong to both groups.

Second: the topic of “intellectual humility” is quite new. Although this early research sounds quite intriguing, we should expect to discover complexity — even contradiction — as the field develops further.

In the meanwhile, we can be glad to know that — in addition to all the other good things it does — a growth mindset helps students enter life’s inevitable disagreements with a greater likelihood of learning.

Do Stress, Age, or Stereotypes Harm Your Working Memory?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

We write a lot about working memory here on the blog, and so I was intrigued to see a review article summarizing 21 factors that might influence our WM performance.

Several of this article’s conclusions jumped out at me. Some reconfirm important points. Others just might surprise you. Certainly they surprised me.

Some headlines…

Gender

Debates about gender and learning, it seems, extend into the world of working memory research.

“No general consensus in the field exists when it comes to the relationship between gender and WM performance. Several researchers report that men have an advantage on spatial WM tasks and that women have an advantage on verbal WM tasks, some researchers report only a spatial advantage for men, and others report no differences at all between genders.”

Age

Unsurprisingly, working memory increases during adolescence — up until our early twenties.

To my surprise, Blasiman and Was report that declines in WM begin in our twenties. This decline is “constant and continuous.” That is: our working memory gets smaller gradually over time; it doesn’t drop off suddenly later in life.

Stress, and Beyond

I’m not surprised to see that stress interferes with WM. If I’m preoccupied with my bills, I won’t have as much WM left over to solve logic puzzles.

I am a bit surprised to read that dieting hampers WM. The authors suggest that my efforts to resist that Snickers distract me from the cognitive task at hand.

(Alas: even ineffective dieting produces this result. That is: I might have a lower WM score even if I’m not losing weight.)

By the way: we have lots of research connecting diet (not dieting) to WM. However, the review’s authors want further research to be persuaded. They currently consider evidence in this area to be “insufficient.”

Stereotypes

Many scholars have explored Claude Steele’s theory on Stereotype Threat.

Several researchers show that ST reduces working memory. Others have demonstrated that strategies to counteract ST help restore WM.

That is: once we identify the problem, we do have ways to fix it.

This conclusion strikes me as particularly interesting, given the recent skepticism about Steele’s theory. It is, of course, harder to argue that Stereotype Threat doesn’t exist if it has an effect on our working memory capacity.

We’ve Only Just Begun

Are you curious about the effect of mindfulness on WM?

Or, sleep?

How about temperature, or bilingualism?

Check out Blasiman and Was’s research here.

Why Do Piano Lessons Improve Language Skills?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

For some time now, we’ve had evidence that early musical training improves later language skills.

(Of course, not all evidence points this way.)

music and language

If it’s true that music lessons help language development, we might wonder why? What is the relationship between music and language?

Perhaps music training makes people generally smarter, and that “general smartness” improves everything — including language skill.

Or, perhaps those lessons improve students’ ability to hear sounds precisely — and that skill transfers to language improvement.

Which theory pans out?

Music and Language: Piano Lessons in China

Researchers in China worked with three groups of 4- and 5-year-olds.

Twenty five of them got six months of piano lessons. Twenty five got reading lessons. And twenty five got neither kind of training.

Did these children develop differently? That is: were their language skills different? Were there IQs different? How about their working memory scores?

On the general cognitive measures, all three groups advanced equally.

That is: IQ scores, working memory scores, and attention scores all improved — but they improved roughly the same amount for all three groups.

Music lessons (and reading lessons) didn’t slow down cognitive development, but they didn’t speed up that development either.

Music and Language: Vowels and Consonants

However, when it came to speech sounds, the different kinds of training did make a difference.

The 4- and 5-year-olds who studied piano, and also those who practiced reading, improved in their ability to recognize vowel sounds. And: they got better faster than those who did neither of those things.

Also: those who studied piano got better at recognizing consonant sounds faster than both the other groups.

Needless to say: recognizing consonants is really important in language processing. Children need to distinguish between “had” and “hat,” “morning” and “warning,” “choose” and “shoes.”

This study starts to answer our question. Music doesn’t make us smarter in a general way, but it does help us tell sounds and words apart.

The Bigger Picture

Researchers often want to know about “transfer.” Does learning one thing make me better at this other, largely unrelated thing.

For example: do piano lessons in childhood make me better at calculus in high school? (It’s really hard to be sure.)

This study offers evidence to support a kind of “near-transfer.” Learning to distinguish among musical sounds helps children learn how to distinguish among consonant sounds. (But, not vowel sounds.)

However, it does not support a “far-transfer” hypothesis. Music training didn’t make children “smarter,” at least not in the ways that we typically measure “smart.”

At the same time, other researchers have found a relationship between music lessons and memory.

As always, look at the very narrow claims that researchers make and support. We should resist the temptation to generalize — especially when we’re talking about “transfer.”

Problems in Science Communication, Part II: Too Little Skepticism
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

I spoke at this month’s Signs Summit in Chicago about problems in science communication. Here is the second half of what I said.

(You can find the first half, which focuses on “too much skepticism” here.)


We live in age that been called the “decade of the brain.” Of course, we’ve been saying that for about 25 years now, so we need a new phrase.

In this era of the brain (corpus callosum!), we can make almost any argument sound more persuasive (occipital lobe!) by throwing in fancy-but-irrelevant neuroscience terminology (ventral tegmental area!).

For instance, Deena Skolnick Weisberg’s team found that people can generally distinguish between coherent and circular science explanations. However: when Weisberg added irrelevant neuroscience terminology to those explanations, readers judged the circular explanations to be much more persuasive.

Weisberg’s team memorably describes this result as “the seductive allure of neuroscience.”

(This research has proven controversial. Some researchers rebut it, whereas others arrive at similar findings.)

The Real Problem Is…

The resulting problem is not exactly that people dress up good teaching advice with needless neuroscience language. (Although that happens.)

The problem is not exactly that people dress up bad teaching advice with needless neuroscience language. (Although that happens.)

The problem is that many teachers respond so positively when we do.

For example: teachers can get absorbed in the differences between alpha, beta, and gamma waves — although this distinction has no practical teaching implications that I know of.

In other words: although some teachers respond to outside experts with excessive skepticism, others respond to fancy brain terminology with inadequate skepticism.

Multi-tasking and Beyond

For example: I once heard an MBE speaker explain that limits in the “bandwidth of the corpus callosum” make multi-tasking impossible.

(The corpus callosum connects the two hemispheres of our brains.)

This information leads teachers to an obvious question: what can we do to increase the capacity of a student’s corpus callosum, and thereby facilitate multi-tasking?

One answer to that question is: nothing.

Another answer is: its capacity increases as our students mature, so we don’t need to worry about doing so artificially.

Another really important answer is: that factual statement is simply false.

(When I asked for the research supporting this claim, the speaker declined to provide it to me. “You’d need a PhD in neuroscience to understand it” was the extraordinary excuse.)

Although we do have neural processing limits that preclude multi-tasking, the corpus callosum itself is one of the largest and densest structures in the brain. The idea that its “limits” hamper multi-tasking is silly.

This false information, at best, distracts teachers from from the key point: brains don’t multi-task. We need to design lesson plans and assessments that don’t ask our students to do so.

At worst, this falsehood leads ultimately to disillusionment. When teachers discover that this expert was dressing up good advice with needless terminology, we’re less likely to believe experts who genuinely know what they’re talking about.

Reaching for a Solution

Because neuroscience terminology can seduce teachers, it can seduce those of us who explain brain research to teachers. How can we resist its allure?

The obvious answer inverts the Nike slogan: “Just Don’t Do It.” If the medial temporal lobe isn’t practically relevant to our explanation, we can just not mention it.

At the same time, I think we need a strategy to lead teachers away from this seductive allure. Here’s my mantra: “Don’t just do this thing. Think this way.

In other words: psychology and neuroscience communicators shouldn’t simply give teachers a list of instructions to follow. (Use visuals! Normalize struggle! Interleave topics!)

Instead, we should encourage teachers to think about learning with the helpful categories that cognitive science supplies.

Imagine, for example, that a teacher is creating a lesson plan. She recalls that, last year, this lesson went quite badly. What should she do?

I’m saying: that’s the wrong question. She shouldn’t just do this thing. She should think this way.

So, last year — did class go badly because of an attention problem?

The teacher thinks for a while. She concludes: Nope.

Was it a motivation problem?

Nope.

Was it a working memory problem?

Oh, wow: YES. Absolutely.

Okay, once you know it’s a WM problem, you’ve got a long list of potential solutions — which one sounds most likely?

This approach doesn’t explicitly reject neuroscience terminology. It simply redirects communication away from that set of questions. After all, teachers rarely say “well, that was an insula problem.”

The insula is cool and fascinating. But, we don’t know what to do about an insula problem. We have LOTS of ideas about solving working memory problems.

Two Sentences

In sum, researchers can overcome too much skepticism only by knowing a teacher’s world and work with the clarity that comes from LOTS of daily experience.

And, we can redirect too little skepticism by moving beyond specific teaching suggestions to fostering thinking habits that best shape teaching and learning.

Can a Quick Bicycle Ride Help You Learn Better?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Can exercise improve memory?

exercise and memoryThat fascinating question has inspired a lot of research. The answer you get often depends quite specifically on the kind of exercise, and the kind of memory, that you study.

For example, a recent study asks this question:

If you exercise after you learn a new motor skill, do you remember that new skill better?

More specifically, if you ride a bike for 20 minutes, does that help?

(The new motor skill is a little tricky to describe. Basically, you use a joystick to make your cursor follow an irregularly moving line.)

Exercise and Memory: Promising Results

Marc Roig and colleagues had 18-35 years do just that. One group rode a stationary bike for 20 minutes before they learned the joystick task. Another group exercised after. And the control group rested quietly for 20 minutes.

What difference did that make?

Helpfully, Roig & Co. retested these participants 3 times: an hour later, a day later, and — marvelously — a week later.

(Many researchers retest participants after an hour or two. That time gap is interesting, but it hardly feels like learning…)

Sure enough: after 7 days, participants who exercised — either before or after — did better on the task than those who didn’t exercise at all.

And, those who exercised AFTER did better than those who exercised BEFORE.

So: we’ve got good reason to think that aerobic exercise after learning a motor skill helps you remember that new skill.

Exercise and Memory: Important Limitations

As noted at the top of this post: the answer to the “exercise and memory” question depends on the specific exercise, and the specific kind of memory.

This study looked narrowly at a visuo-motor task.

We would like to say: “Hey! Let’s have students do jumping jacks after they learn a new geometry theorem. After all: exercise helps learning!”

Unfortunately, we don’t have consistent research showing that exercise directly improves this kind of academic learning.

For example, in one of my favorite studies, Steven Most & Co. found contradictory results when they tested declarative learning and exercise. In his 4 studies: half of the time, that exercise benefited women but not men. Half of the time, it didn’t benefit either women or men.

(I like this study so much because Most and his team are so scrupulous in making their contradictory results clear.)

At the same time, we should remember: brains are a part of the body. We’ve got LOTS of research showing that the habit of exercise is good for the brain, and helps students learn.

If you’re especially interested in this topic, I recommend John Ratey’s book Spark: The Revolutionary New Science of Exercise and the Brain. (It’s not so revolutionary or new anymore, but it’s an easy and persuasive read.)

Problems in Science Communication, Part I: Too Much Skepticism
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

I was invited to speak at March 4 Science SIGNS Summit on Saturday. The question was: what challenges bedevil the field of Science Communication? And, what can we do to fix them?

too much skepticism

Here is, more or less, the first half of what I said:


I began my professional life as a high school English teacher, and loved that work for several centuries.

For teachers, the challenge of science communication is NOT that many (many) teachers are deeply skeptical of outside experts telling us how to be better teachers.

The problem is that many (many) teachers are RIGHTLY deeply skeptical of outside experts telling us how to be better teachers.

I don’t know how it works in other professions. But, oddly, people who have never taught anyone anything feel comfortable telling teachers how to do our jobs better. At any party you attend, someone will blithely tell you to do this one simple thing, and your job will get every so much easier.

Do people tell surgeons which scalpel to use? Do people tell fire-fighters to be more like fire-fighters in Finland, where they’re so much better at fighting fires?

Just Do It

Here’s a true story. (I’m blurring the details, for obvious reasons.)

I once attended a conference (not, by the way, a Learning and the Brain conference) where the keynote speaker presented data on a specific teaching approach. The first question, quite marvelously, went like this:

Now that you’ve shared your ideas and your data with us, what plans do you have to hear back from teachers who try this idea? How can we keep this dialogue going, so you can learn from teachers as they learn from you?

The speaker thought for a moment and said: “We have no such plans. We’ve done the research. We know the right answer. Teachers should just do it. Do it.”

For this speaker, “interdisciplinary” apparently means “I tell you what to do, and you do it.”

“Too Much Skepticism”

For those of us in the field of Science Communication, teachers may seem unreasonably resistant — unreasonably skeptical — of outside experts. We exhibit too much skepticism.

But I suspect most people don’t much like outside experts.

If we, as science communicators, want people to hear and believe what we say, we should practice becoming inside experts.

For example: imagine that I change my focus, and strive to improve education through the legislature. I want to persuade congress to revoke old laws and pass new ones.

My temptation, of course, would be to talk with representatives and senators about brain science. Here’s the psychology. Here’s the neuroscience. Legislators should pass laws that align with that research.

However, I suspect that such guidance would be much more effective if I knew in a gritty, day-to-day way what legislators really do.

To find this out, I should — perhaps — volunteer at a representative’s campaign, or intern at my senator’s office. I should attend committee meetings and community meetings. I might even (perish the thought) try my hand at political fundraising.

A New Language, or Two

One the one hand, none of these activities (the volunteering, the interning, the fundraising) has much to do with brain science.

On the other hand, all of them will help me learn to speak politics. And, if I can speak politics, I’ll be vastly more effective framing science research to persuade legislators to act.

I won’t be an outside expert. I will sound increasingly like an inside expert.

By implication, I’m encouraging two kinds of cross-training.

Psychology and neuroscience researchers can make their guidance more meaningful and useful by spending more time — real time — working with the classroom teachers they seek to guide.

And: classroom teachers can collaborate with researchers as equals if and only if we devote more time — real time — to mastering the complex disciplines that we hope will benefit our students.

This is a big ask. I’m not talking about days or weeks, but months and years.

I wish we had an easier way to accomplish this mission. And yet, for science communication to succeed — for brain researchers and teachers to work effectively together — we really do need this kind of sustained, gritty, determined exploration.

I’m thinking our students are worth it.


In Part II, I’ll consider the dangers of too LITTLE skepticism.

Don’t Miss This Handy Compilation of Research Summaries
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Over at Teacherhead, Tom Sherrington has gathered more than a dozen summaries of teaching research.

Any one of them will provide lots of useful information. The whole collection makes a great library.

To be clear: any such collection will include some controversy. I myself have heard the greatest number of objections to the Education Endowment Fund’s report on Metacognition and Self-Regulated Learning.

But: you’ll find many great resources here, and many researchers to admire.

BTW: for my own additions to this list, click here.

You Are a Learning Style of One
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

In the bad old days, schools seem to have thought about learning this way:

There are two kinds of students: smart ones, and not-smart ones. It’s easy to tell them apart.

If you teach it and I learn it, I’m a smart one.

If you teach it and I don’t learn it, I’m a not-smart one.

(To be clear: I’ve never heard anyone say that so crudely. But that tone suffuses the mythic past of our profession.)

false learning categories

Of course, this theory suffers from one deep flaw: it just ain’t true.

Those are simply false learning categories. We all can learn, but we all learn differently.

If I teach it and you don’t learn it, the problem may very well be with my teaching. You might well learn it some other way.

A Solution, A Bigger Problem

And yet, this optimistic reframe comes with perils of its own. If, in fact, “we all learn differently,” then teachers face an almost impossible challenge.

We have to figure out how each of our students learns, and then tailor all lessons for all of them. A class with 30 students requires 30 lesson plans.

How on earth can such a system work?

Another Solution?

Facing this baffling challenge, I would LOVE to sort my students into reasonable categories.

Instead of saying “there are smart students and not-smart students,” I’d rather say “students can be smart this way, or that way, or t’other way.”

With this framework, I can now have three lesson plans, not thirty. Or, I can have one lesson plan that teaches all three ways simultaneously.

For example: maybe left-handed students learn one way, right-handed students learn a different way, and ambidextrous students learn a third way. If true, this model allows me to honor my students’ differences AND create a coherent lesson plan.

As it turns out, people have proposed many (MANY) systems for sorting learners into “reasonable categories.”

Perhaps boys and girls learn differently.

Maybe introverts differ from extroverts.

Perhaps some people have interpersonal intelligence, while others have musical/rhythmic intelligence.

Maybe some learn concretely while others learn abstractly; some learn visually while others learn kinesthetically.

The list goes on.

Another Problem: False Learning Categories

Let’s add one more to that list:

Perhaps we can sort students according to the Myers-Briggs test. This student here is an ENTJ (extroverted, intuitive, thinking, and judging), while that student there is an ISFP (introverted, sensing, feeling, perceiving).

This system allows me to teach with distinct categories in mind, and so makes my teaching life easier.

Alas, this system suffers from a (familiar) deep flaw: it just ain’t true.

As Clemente I. Diaz explains, the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator doesn’t measure what it claims to measure.

In fact, it can’t. For example: the MBTI acts as if extroversion and introversion are two different personality types. In truth, we’ve all got a some of both — and, different settings bring out the introvert or extrovert in each of us.

All of the seemingly “reasonable categories” listed above are, in fact, false learning categories.

No: with very rare exceptions, boys and girls don’t learn differently.

No: introverts and extroverts don’t learn differently. (They don’t really exist. We’re all both, depending on the circumstances.)

No: we don’t have learning styles.

Here’s my advice:

Whenever a professed expert suggests you to divide students into different learning categories, assume those categories aren’t valid. Each of us learns our own way.

In a pithy sentence:

You are a learning style of one.

Replacing False Learning Categories with True Ones

That feel-good summary brings us back to the same problem. If each of my students learns differently, then I need to create 30 lesson plans. What to do?

Here’s the good news:

Although we all learn differently, we resemble each other more than we differ.

We all use working memory to learn. When teachers prevent working-memory overload, we benefit all our students. (Including the “introverts” and the “ENTJs.”)

We all use attention to learn. When teachers learn about alertness, orienting, and executive attention, we benefit all our students. (Including the “auditory learners” and the boys.)

Long-term memories form the same way for us all. Spacing, interleaving, and retrieval practice help (almost) all of us learn (almost) everything. (Yup: including the “abstract learners.”)

And so: teachers don’t need to pigeon-hole our students into particular learning categories.

Instead, we can focus on categories of cognitive function. The more we learn about the mental processes that enhance (or inhibit) learning, the more we truly benefit all of our students.