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Motivation = “Self-Determination” + Common Sense
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Self-Determination Theory, one of the most important theories of motivation, tends to operate behind the scenes.

That is: researchers often use self-determination theory to explain why something else works.

The theory itself argues that humans are motivated by a desire for three basic things.

Autonomy

Relatedness

Competence

Unlike many terms in psychology, those three mean exactly what you think they mean. So, “competence” means, basically, the feeling that I’m skillful at whatever I’m doing. “Relatedness” means, basically, “connected with others.” And so forth.

When giving teachers advice, researchers often turn to self-determination theory to explain why a particular set of suggestions might help students learn.

Goals and Feedback

Common sense tells teachers that we should make goals clear to our students. And, we should offer them specific feedback.

But, why might those two things help? Specifically, why might they promote motivation?

Researchers in Belgium and The Netherlands hypothesized that clear goals and specific feedback might encourage self-determination.

Specifically:

If I, as a student, know what the goals are, I can work more independently to achieve them. That will make me feel autonomous, and competent.

Likewise, specific feedback will allow me to work effectively–that is, competently.

And, of course, goals and (especially) feedback will increase my sense of relatedness with my teacher.

To test this hypothesis, the researchers worked with 500+ high school students taking PE classes. They surveyed them 6 times about their classes, asking about clarity of goals and feedback, and measuring their feelings of autonomy, relatedness, and competence.

What did they find?

(Too Much Of) A Good Thing

Sure enough, they found that clear goals and precise feedback helped students feel “in charge of their learning processes”: that is, autonomous.

They also felt more competent, and more connected and cared for.

In brief: goals and feedback can help students in a number of ways. In the world of motivation theory, they boost the three key components of self-determination theory.

Perhaps the most interesting part of this research puts an asterisk on that finding. While feedback helps, lots and lots of feedback reduces feelings of both competence and relatedness.

In fact, these findings make sense. If my teacher has to give me lots of feedback, the implication is that I’m not very good at what I’m doing–that is, not very competent.

And, that hovering might well feel irritating–reducing rather than increasing relatedness.

In other words, as is so often true, teachers have to apply research-based advice skillfully. We want to have clear goals and helpful feedback. And, we want to ensure that “helpful feedback” doesn’t tip over into excessive feedback.

Paradoxically, too much of a good thing can convert motivation into demotivation.

What (De)Motivates Struggling Math Students?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

We want our students to learn. And: we want our students to want to learn.

So, the more we know about motivation, the better our schools will be.

Here’s one possibility: perhaps teachers’ beliefs about learning can motivate students. Or, sadly, demotivate them.

If that’s true, then we can un-de-motivate them — that is, we can MOTIVATE them — by realigning those beliefs.

Researchers in Germany wanted to explore this possibility.

Background Theory #1

Of course, psychologists have several theories about motivation.

In their work on Self-Determination Theory, for example, Edward Deci and Richard Ryan have argued that we’re motivated by a desire for three things:

Autonomy: that is, age-appropriate independence

Relatedness: that is, connection to other people

Competence: that is, the experience of effectiveness and even mastery

The German researchers focused particularly on the last of these: competence.

In schools, students probably feel competent when they get good grades. So, students who get bad grades need something else to feel some sense of effectiveness and mastery.

They might need a teacher who helps them see past grades to look at other parts of their development.

But, not all teachers will be able to see past grades. In particular, the researchers hypothesized that some teachers think success in math requires innate ability. If a student doesn’t have that innate ability, s/he just won’t learn very much math.

Teacher who focus on innate ability won’t bother to encourage students who get low grades.

But, teachers who don’t focus on innate ability will want to encourage students who get low grades. That encouragement might provide the feeling of competence that–according to Self-Determination Theory–provides motivation.

The Research, The Findings

To explore this causal chain, researchers investigated over 800 4th graders, taught by 56 different teachers across many different school.

If their hypothesis is correct, then students with low grades should feel less motivated IF their teachers think math requires innate ability. But, they should feel more motivated IF their teachers think it doesn’t.

And, students with high grades should feel motivated NO MATTER their teachers’ beliefs. (After all, their high grades provide a feeling of competence–which motivates by itself.)

Sure enough, that’s what the researchers found.

Because of the research methods, the results show up in particularly opaque stats-y language, so I don’t have graphs to post or comprehensible numbers to cite.

But the simple version is: students who struggle in math felt less motivation IF their teachers believed in the importance of innate ability than if their teachers didn’t.

Background Theory #2

The researchers don’t use the word “mindset” here. But, of course, you can see mindset theory all over this work.

At the most obvious level: the belief that success in math requires “innate ability” is itself about as fixed a mindset as we can get.

Of course, on the other hand, teachers who believe that math success doesn’t require innate ability presumably think students can improve. That’s a growth mindset.

I mention this point because: you have no doubt seen many stories in the last few months claiming that mindset theory is all-but dead.

As you’ve seen on this blog before: I think mindset theory is often badly used. (No: inspiring posters ain’t enough.) But, properly understood, it can be a powerful force for good.

Here’s an example:

If teachers accept mindset theory, they’re less likely to think that success in math requires innate ability.

And, according to this research, that means their struggling students will feel higher levels of motivation.

To me, that sounds like an easy win.

The Simplest Motivation Strategy that You’re (Probably) Not Using
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

In school as in life, sometimes we just need to get stuff done. And, truthfully, getting stuff done can be a real challenge.

For instance: I’m about to start writing a book. Based on previous book-writing experiences, I can predict the mundane problems that will get in my way.

My cats invariably need attention just as I’m starting to get in the zone.

The alerts from my email account lure me away from difficult writing passages.

I can never decide: stop for a snack now, or wait until lunch?

Luckily, we’ve got a remarkably simple strategy to get over these predictable hurdles.

Give Me Three Steps

Step 1: make a list of the potential problems. (I’ve already done that.)

Step 2: figure out the most plausible solutions.

So, for instance: instead of responding to my email alerts, I can simply close that browser. Problem solved.

Step 3: turn the first two steps into an “if-then” plan.

IF I get an email alert while working on my book, THEN I’ll close my email browser rather than look at the email.

Believe it or not, this simply process makes it much likelier that I will, in fact, ignore the email. (Or the cat, or my hunger.) And, because I’ve taken care of the most common obstacles, I’m much likelier to get my book written.

(Ask me six months from now how it’s going.)

Two More Steps?

This technique is even more effective when combined with another technique called “mental contrasting.”

In a recent article summarizing research in these fields, Marc Hauser describes mental contrasting this way:

In [mental contrasting], the individual first identifies and vividly describes a desired goal or wish. To be effective, this wish has to be feasible, but not easy.

Next, the individual identifies an obstacle that might get in the way of achieving this goal and vividly describes it [too].

Doing both together — vividly describing the goal AND vividly describing the obstacle — turns out to be much more helpful than doing just one or the other.

The Proof in the PSAT, and the Pudding

These techniques seem so simple that it’s hard to believe they work. In fact: why should we believe it?

Well, we’ve got some good research to persuade us. Hauser’s article, in fact, does a very helpful job summarizing both the theoretical background behind these strategies, and the studies that show their effectiveness.

For instance, Angela Duckworth (yes, that Angela Duckworth) worked with high-school students who wanted to prepare for the PSAT. Those who went through this process did 60% more practice problems than those who did a control task instead.

In fact, we’ve got good findings for non-academic tasks as well: limiting drinking, smoking, snacking, and so forth.

Practical Applications for Students

This technique, it seems to me, could be VERY easy for teachers to use. When we talk with our students about their homework habits, we can guide them through this process.

In fact, when I work with students in schools, I bring a specific form to guide them through the process.

(Here’s another approach from Ollie Lovell.)

Equally helpfully, we can use this technique to get our own work under control as well. We might not all have books to write, but we all have plenty of lesson-planning to do.

IF my phone rings while I’m preparing tomorrow’s class, THEN I’ll switch the phone to airplane mode without looking at the caller ID.

Problem solved!

True/False: Grades Motivate Students to Study Better?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

The following story is true. (The names have been left out because I’ve forgotten them.)

grades and motivation

When I attended graduate school in education, I handed in my first essay with some trepidation, and lots of excitement.

Like my classmates, I had worked hard to wrestle with the topic: how best to critique a study’s methodology. Like my classmates, I wanted to know how I could do better.

When we got those essays back, our TAs had written a number at the end. There were, quite literally, no other marks on the paper — much less helpful comments. (I’m an English teacher, so when I say “literally” I mean “literally.”)

We then sat through a slide show in which the head TA explained the most common errors, and what percentage of us had made each one.

Here’s the kicker. The head TA then said:

“Your TAs are very busy, and we couldn’t possibly meet with all of you. So, to be fair, we won’t discuss these essays individually with any of you.”

So, in a SCHOOL OF EDUCATION, I got exactly NO individual feedback on my essay. I have little idea what I did right or wrong. And, I have no idea whatsoever how I could have done better.

How’s that for teaching excellence?

Grades and Motivation: Today’s Research

My point with this story is: for me, the experience of getting a grade without feedback was a) demotivating, b) infuriating, and c) useless.

If you’d like to rethink your school’s grading strategy, my own experience would point you in a particular direction.

However: you’re not reading this blog to get anecdotes. If you’re in Learning and the Brain world, you’re interested in science. What does research tell us about grades and motivation?

A recent study on “The Impact of Grades on Student Motivation” has been getting some Twitter love.

The researchers surveyed students at a college that has grades only, a different college that offers narrative feedback only, and two colleges that use both. They also interviewed students at one of the “hybrid” colleges.

What did they find?

They didn’t pull any punches:

“Grades did not enhance academic motivation.”

“Grades promoted anxiety, a sense of hopelessness, social comparison, as well as a fear of failure.”

“In contrast, narrative evaluations supported basic psychological needs and enhanced motivation.”

Briefly: grades demotivate, while narrative feedback helpfully focuses students on useful strategies for improvement.

Certainly these conclusions align with my own grad-school experience.

Not So Fast

Despite these emphatic conclusions, and despite the Twitter love, teachers who want to do away with grades should not, in my view, rely too heavily on this study.

Here’s why:

First: unless you teach in a college or university, research with these students might not apply to your students. Motivation for 2nd and 3rd graders might work quite differently than motivation for 23-year-olds.

Second: most college and university students, unlike most K-12 students, have some choices about the schools the attend and the classes they take.

In other words: students with higher degrees of academic motivation might be choosing colleges and courses with narrative feedback instead of grades.

It’s not clear if their level of motivation results from or causes their choice of college. Or, perhaps, both.

(To be clear, the researchers acknowledge this concern.)

Third: in my experience, most K-12 teachers combine letter or number grades with specific feedback. Unlike my TAs, who gave me a number without guidance, teachers often provide both a number and specific guidance.

Fourth: the study includes a number of troubling quirks.

The interview portion of the study includes thirteen students. It is, ahem, unusual to draw strong conclusions from interviews with 13 people.

The interviewer was a student who already knew some of the interviewees. Their prior relationship might well influence their answers to the interview questions.

More than any study I’ve read, this one includes an overtly political and economic perspective. Research like this typically eschews a strong political stance, and its presence here is at odds with research norms. (To be clear: researchers have political opinions. It’s just very strange to see them in print.)

Given these concerns — big and small — we should look elsewhere for research on grades and motivation to guide our schools and our own practice.

Earlier Thoughts

We have, of course, often written about grades and motivation here on the blog. For example:

In this article, Doug Lemov argues that — although imperfect — grades are the best way to ensure that scare resources aren’t given entirely to well-connected people.

In this article, we look at the Mastery Transcript movement: a strategy to provide lots of meaningful feedback without the tyranny of grades and transcripts.

Your thoughts on grades and grading are welcome: please share your experience in the comments.

 

 

New Research: Personal Best Goals (Might) Boost Learning
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Some research-based suggestions for teaching require a lot of complex changes. (If you want to develop an interleaved syllabus, you’re going to need some time.)

personal best goals

Others couldn’t be simpler to adopt.

Here’s a suggestion from researchers Down Under: encourage your students to adopt “personal best goals.”

The Research

In a straightforward study, Andrew Martin and Australian colleagues asked 10- to 12-year-olds to solve a set of math problems. After each student worked for one minute, she learned how well she had done on that group of problems.

Students then worked that same set of problems again. Martin measured their improvement from the first to the second attempt.

Here’s the key point: after half of the students heard their score, they got these additional instructions:

“That is your Personal Best score. Now we’re going to do these question again, and I would like you to set a goal where you aim to do better on these questions than you did before.”

The other half of the students simply heard their score and were told to try the problems again.

Sure enough, this simple “personal best” prompt led to greater improvement than in the control group.

To be clear: the difference was statistically significant, but relatively small. The Cohen’s d was 0.08 — lower than typically gets my attention.

However, as the researchers point out, perhaps the structure of the study kept that value low. Given the process — students worked the same problem sets twice — the obvious thing for students to do is strive to improve performance on the second iteration.

In other words: some students might have been striving for “personal bests” even when they weren’t explicitly instructed to do so.

In my own view, a small Cohen’s d matters a lot if the research advice is difficult to accomplish. So, if interleaving leads to only a small bump in learning, it might not be worth it. As noted above, interleaving takes a lot of planning time.

In this case, the additional instruction to “strive for your personal best” has essentially no cost at all.

Classroom Implications

Martin’s study is the first I know of that directly studies this technique.

(Earlier work, well summarized by Martin, looks at self-reports by students who set personal best goals. That research is encouraging — but self-reports aren’t as persuasive as Martin’s design.)

For that reason, we should be careful and use our best judgement as we try out this idea.

For example:

I suspect this technique works when used occasionally, not constantly.

In this study, the technique was used for the very short term: the personal best goals applied to the very next minute.

One intriguing suggestion that Martin makes: teachers could encourage personal best goals for the process not the result. That is: the goal could be “ask for help before giving up” rather than “score higher than last time.”

One final point stands out in this research. If you’re up to date on your Mindset research, you know the crucial difference between “performance goals” and “learning goals.”

Students with “performance goals” strive, among other things, to beat their peers. Of course, “personal best goals” focus not on beating peers but on beating oneself. They are, in other words, “learning goals.”

And, we’ve got LOTS of research showing that learning goals result in lots more learning.

The Mindset Controversy: Is It Time to Give Up?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

Few theories have gotten more teacherly attention than Carol Dweck’s work on Mindset.

As you no doubt know, she has found that a “fixed mindset” (the belief that ability and intelligence can’t really change) demotivates people. On the other hand, a “growth mindset” (the belief that the right kind of hard work enhances ability) promotes intrinsic motivation.

mindset controversy(We’ve posted about Mindset several times, including here and here.)

Because it’s so well known, Dweck’s theory is a popular target. You’ll often read that this or that study disproves her argument. For years now, this mindset controversy has raged on.

The Mindset Controversy: This Week’s Big News

Scholars at Case Western Reserve University looked at over 300 Mindset studies, and found…not much. By looking at all the relevant research, rather than just the well-known or successful studies, they got a comprehensive view.

That view showed only very modest effects.

Here’s lead author Brooke Macnamara (by the way, the word “significant” here means “statistically significant” not “deeply meaningful”):

“We found a significant but weak relationship between growth mindsets and academic achievement, and a significant, but small effect of growth mindset interventions on academic achievement.” (source)

Predictably, this meta-analysis has produced lots of strong responses.

Nick Soderstrom–a researcher whose work I admire–mused on Twitter that Mindset is “the new learning styles.” That is: a theory which lots of people believe, but which doesn’t have empirical support.

[Editor’s note, added 3/23/18: Dr. Soderstrom has responded to this post, and his comment includes this important point: “After seeing that you referenced one of my tweets, I feel compelled to mention that none of my tweets comparing growth mindset to learning styles have been assertive in nature. That is, I have never said that mindset IS the new learning styles. Indeed, such an assertion would be unfair and irresponsible at this point. Rather, I’ve simply asked the question and expressed my concern that it might be heading in that direction. I just don’t want your readers to assume that I’ve made up my mind on the utility of mindset interventions because I certainly haven’t. More evidence, or the lack thereof, is needed for that to happen.” My thanks for this clarification. You can see his full comment below.]

 

If, in fact, Mindset interventions just don’t do very much, should we stop?

Mindset Controversy: Don’t Give Up The Ship

I myself am still on board with mindset, and for several reasons.

First: other people have looked at large populations and found impressive effects.

For instance, this report found that for some groups of students, a growth mindset basically added an extra month’s worth of learning to school. Mind you, these authors looked at data for 125,000+ students to reach this conclusion.

Other thoughtful scholars and wise skeptics, have written sympathetically about Mindset. Here, for example, is recent article by John Hattie — not one to accept a theory simply because it’s popular.

Second: we should ask not simply “do Mindset interventions work?” but “do they work compared to something else?”

Mindset seeks to influence students’ motivation, and motivation is notoriously hard to influence. So, I’m not surprised it doesn’t produce dramatic changes. To get my attention in the world of motivation, even a small boost will do.

Third: Dweck is a famously careful scholar. When others criticize her work, she doesn’t ignore them; she doesn’t rant; she doesn’t change the subject. Instead, she accepts fair critiques and updates her thinking.

For example: many of Dweck’s early studies focused on the importance of hard work. You have to work hard to learn most anything, and students need to accept that.

Teachers and scholars offered a reasonable rejoinder. Some students do work hard and yet don’t learn, because they’re doing the wrong kind of work. We need a more precise phrase.

Accepting this criticism, Dweck now speaks of the right kind of hard work. She listened, and refined her theory appropriately.

Next Steps

A: I’ll be curious to hear what Dweck has to say once she’s digested this new information.

B: we should keep our eyes out for new theories of motivation that provide genuine assistance to teachers and students.

C: we should, of course, not overhype Mindset interventions. Until we get a better theory, however, we can call on these strategies at the right moments to help deepen our students’s motivation.

Motivation vs. IQ: Which Is More Important?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

motivation vs. IQ

Do students benefit more from a high IQ or from high levels of intrinsic motivation?

Over at Quartz, Rebecca Haggerty argues for the importance of motivation. To make this argument, she draws on the research of Adele and Allen Gottfried. By gathering data on a group of children for decades, they conclude:

Kids who scored higher on measures of academic intrinsic motivation at a young age—meaning that they enjoyed learning for its own sake—performed better in school, took more challenging courses, and earned more advanced degrees than their peers. They were more likely to be leaders and more self-confident about schoolwork. Teachers saw them as learning more and working harder. As young adults, they continued to seek out challenges and leadership opportunities.

Even more than a high IQ, intrinsic motivation points students toward a fulfilling life.

Parenting to Promote Motivation

According to the Gottfrieds, how can parents encourage this trait?

Unsurprisingly, parental behavior can influence child development. Inquisitive parents foster inquisitiveness. Parents who read to their children promote a love of reading.

No matter how many parenting books say it’s okay, paying children for grades squashes a love of learning for its own sake.

In any case, the examples we set early on endure. In one of the Gottfrieds’ findings, children encouraged to be curious when they were eight took more science classes years later in high school. That’s parenting for the long haul.

(For some thoughts on teaching strategies to promote intrinsic motivation, click here.)

Motivation vs. IQ: A Caveat and Two Puzzles

A caveat:

Whenever thinking about the “motivation vs. IQ” question, we should pause to remember its complexity. It might be tempting to discount IQ completely. And yet, we know that something like intelligence exists, and that it’s good to have.

Richard Nisbett explores these questions here.

Two points in Haggerty’s article strike me as puzzling.

First, the Gottfrieds speak of children being “motivationally gifted.” However, we know from Dweck’s research that such praise demotivates students.

We should stop praising children for who they are (“gifted, talented, a natural”) and focus on praising them for what they do (“detailed and imaginative work”).

Second, a detail. Haggerty writes that 19% of the Gottfrieds’ subjects have an IQ of higher than 130. That’s an astonishingly high number.

In a typical population, just over 2% of people have an IQ in that range.

In raw numbers: 25 of their subjects have “genius-level” IQ, and we would expect than number to be about 3.

If Haggerty got that number right, then we should be hesitant to extrapolate to the general population from this remarkable sample.

Autonomy and Motivation
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

AdobeStock_108076525_Credit

Self-determination theory, developed by Edward Deci & Richard Ryan, argues that people are motivated by a desire for three things: autonomy, relatedness, and competence.

(Here‘s a handy place to brush up on self-determination theory.)

This theory suggests that teachers can motivate students by creating lesson plans and classroom environments that promote all three.

As is always true, such broad categories identified by researchers might not be easy to translate into specific classroom practices that work for my students.

For example: What kind of metacognition is appropriate for 1st graders?

How, exactly, can I instill a growth mindset in high-schoolers? (I know: “process praise” in place of “person praise.” But what exactly does that sound like for a 16-year old?)

And: if I want to put self-determination theory to work, what precisely does autonomy look like in the classroom?

Of course, the answer to that question will be different for each of us. To get that conversation started, here‘s an article over at Edutopia listing a few strategies to promote classroom autonomy.

Some of these might be helpful for your students; some not. But, in any case, they’re a useful prompt for our own thinking about the appropriate kind of autonomy to motivate our own students.

Promoting Motivation?
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

AdobeStock_118814656_Credit

Over at 3 Star Learning Experiences, Kirschner and Neelan are skeptical about research into academic motivation.

In essence, they argue that defining motivation can be quite a trick, and measuring it even more so. If we struggle to define and measure something, it’s hard to be scientifically thoughtful (and accurate) about it.

As a result, we tend to discuss vague things like “student engagement”: it sounds good (who could be opposed to “student engagement”?), but it’s hard to know if behavior that looks like “engagement” reliably promotes learning.

I share much of their concern about this part of our field. In fact, I find Dweck’s work on Mindset, and Steele’s work on Stereotype Threat, so interesting because they have found motivational topics that can be both defined and measured.

Like Kirschner and Neelen, I’ll be more motivated to explore this field when more of it can cross these essential thresholds.

 

Gender and Competition
Andrew Watson
Andrew Watson

AdobeStock_128866335_Credit

According to new research, a key difference might be the choice of opponent.  Whereas men typically prefer to compete against others, women often choose to compete against themselves.

(As always: be careful about oversimplifcation of gender roles. I myself am much likelier to compete against myself than others. As Todd Rose notes, averages often give us useful information about groups, but never about individuals.)